Challenges galore

Honesty, integrity, and loyalty are grossly lacking among many government officials and political leaders. Not a single day passes without news on corruption and misappropriations of state coffers, abuse of power and authority, and lack of accountability. The high-handedness of public officials has an edge over service seekers or entrepreneurs, or business tycoons and perpetrators evade offenses as they form critical ‘leviers’ to political parties. The Corruption Perceptions Index of Transparency International consistently ranks Nepal on the top list but state organs fail to curb such ‘national irritations’. Many corruption scams do come to the surface but fade away quickly. The gross mistrust of people against the political parties and judiciary is growing every day. As a result of this, national and international bodies are disconnected. These are not good signs for the stability and peace of the country.  

Over many other political issues, both internal and external, a gross partisan mentality among people is emerging. The balance of payment situation has slim hope of possible economic recovery. Every government’s plans and programs are found null and void. Crisis due to climate change, agricultural shortfalls and food security situations, demographic changes, unemployment, and recession are colossal.

I recall reading Daron Acemoglu and James A Robinson’s book Why Nations Fail. The writers have not missed delving into some nations’ misery despite their ‘written political system’ but with ‘inefficient leaders’. They highlight the right policies, especially the judicious use of funds in national developments. It is ironic why Nepal’s ‘competitive leaders’ failed to constructively materialize the state and foreign assistance funds in achieving developmental goals. The answer is simple: Their sincerity and loyalty to the nation was nil as long as the ‘setting in corruption’ would make them fat.

The intellectual Kathmanduites have begun to ponder the cause of the state disarray and interact on the fault lines. Some scholars are found to be in a debate for amendments or major ‘rewriting’ of the present constitution to amend the existing electoral system as a prescription to all problems. No one knows when the next debate among Nepali intellectuals will begin in chalking out the ‘exit strategy’ and what would be its consequential fallout. Security experts may assess how their exit strategy mitigates ‘public disorder avalanche’.

Tightrope of geo-politics

India has emerged as a regional power and has specific interests in Nepal. India wants to remain engaged in Nepal politically, socio- economically, religiously, culturally and voices security concerns centrally. The harnessing of water resources, trade, and regulation of sub- regional supply chains are key areas. India wants to validate its position as a net security provider of South Asia. India’s strategic objectives in BIMSTEC are Indo-centric. 

We may recall now, a few years ago one of our Prime Ministers had voiced ‘there is common understanding between India and Nepal with major international affairs’. India’s Ministry of External Affairs writes: India’s core interest in Nepal is a united Nepal’s peace and stability which has a bearing on India as well because of the long and open border shared between India and Nepal. This document further states that around 6,00,000 Indians are living/domiciled in Nepal. These include businessmen and traders who have been living in Nepal for a long time, professionals (doctors, engineers, IT personnel) and laborers (including seasonal/migratory in the construction sector). “An Indian Citizens’ Association (ICA) of Nepal was formed on 14 September 1990. ICA is the only association of resident Indian citizens in Nepal with branches at Pokhara, Damak and Bhairahawa, and provides a platform for discussion on matters pertaining to the legitimate interest of resident Indians in Nepal and works for the protection of such interests,” says the document. Notably, most of the business houses belong to those people. 

Some eminent scholars have gone to the extent of advocating that Nepal must not take assistance from China that is against India’s interest. It will be much harder for Nepali politicians to approve such ‘interest”. Some Indian scholars view that the increased influence of the US in Nepal helps reinforce India’s political footprints and safeguard against China. The activities of the US and the EU appear to be dubious at times. Indian scholar Nihar Nayak writes that such external engagements have prompted Nepal’s two neighboring countries, India and China, to rethink and recalibrate their foreign policies towards a ‘New Nepal’ (Strategic Analysis; Jan2009, Vol. 33 Issue 1, p41-53, 13p). Many foreign powers had shown real interest in Nepali politics and interfered directly or indirectly in possible areas of cooperation (Nayak).

India’s denial to buy renewable energy from Nepal wherever China’s involvement is attached to its production is a case in point. For that reason, hydropower generation cooperation and other diverse cooperation in water resources has become a distinct phenomenon over these years in the Indo-Nepal bilateral agenda. India believes in regional connectivity and trade but ironically will not welcome neighbor’s trade imports easily.

India’s eye on Nepal’s key resources is not new. The northern belt of India faces water scarcity due to climate change, if not the energy crisis in the years to come. In the future, we may fall much inside the Indian interest loop in harnessing Nepal’s water resources.

Honesty, integrity, and loyalty seem to be grossly lacking among many government officials and political leaders. Not a single day passes without news on corruption and misappropriations of state coffers, abuse of power and authority, and lack of accountability.

Various other unhindered foreign maneuvers to impede China’s influence over Kathmandu can be predicted. China has also been worried about Nepal being used by external powers to challenge its strategic interests. China would not allow this to happen with her diplomatic tact.

Way forward

No one knows what will be the far-reaching impacts of all these on Nepal as Nepal drags further into the aforementioned uncertainties—especially on political and economic fronts. I guess Nepal’s federal structure, revolutionized political culture, and ‘futuristic’ economy all will have already entered a ‘closed end impasse’ where bulks of issues clog the vista. All we require is either to extract those or push through them. For this, we should first, be able to discern neighbors’ core interests and maneuver our binding compulsions while managing our internal problems. In solving our problems, any unwarranted foreign competition over us would put us in tight ropes.  Our foreign engagements in diverse political and diplomatic sects should be exemplarily sound in the new geo-political paradigm.  On top of all, the people of Nepal must have a clear unity of thoughts in choosing a ‘new way’ to first to navigate, at least, and then to ascertain stable politics and economy.

Suresh Sharma is retired Brigadier General of Nepal Army.

The People’s National Congress held five years ago has been inflexibly following the guidance of ‘Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics’. Since then, so charmingly, the whole of their national efforts have been grounded on reinforcing the party’s political foundations and upholding the authority of the central committee and its centralized, unified leadership. In this new 20th Congress, we can hope that they will add more strength in cultivating and observing core social values domestically and envision a prosperous China on the global stage. There is an expectation that the comrades will rejuvenate China’s dream into another reality.

Implications for Nepal 

Ever since the abolition of monarchy in 2008, Nepal has been on the elusive journey of economic transformation but very little has come out of it so far. Nepal envisioned socio-economic development trajectory within the new ‘federal republican’ model but there has been no progress on delivery, for various reasons. Political parties in Nepal—particularly those who identify themselves as communist—advocated for a socialist model, scientific socialism, or many such vague terms but they have failed to actualize these promises. There is a clear mismatch between their party ideologies and behaviors. It wavers resulting in inconsistency in their camaraderie, and party unity, and even has proved their inability to transform the nation’s economy, thereof.

According to the World Bank, China is central to many regional and global development issues. Nepal borders more than 1400 kilometers with this economic giant. China’s increased positive and constructive economic engagements in the near future with its neighbors in general and Nepal, in particular, cannot be overstated. The confidence building between these two countries for garnering extensive economic cooperation in various sectors hence looms large with the emergence of China’s new leadership who in 2013 had presented his strategic Belt and Road Initiative, for inclusive shared prosperity.  

South Asia and the US

China’s ambition to reach the Indian Ocean through Nepal and maximize economic benefits through SSR (Southern Silk Road) is existential. Despite a few controversial border issues between India and China, the relationship of China with entire South Asian nations is on a positive trajectory. India-China trade surged to over 31 billion $ in the first quarter of 2022. Last year, China’s exports to India went up by 46.2 percent to 97.52 billion $ while India’s export to China grew by 34.2 percent to 28.14 $ billion.

As a matter of fact, the volume of trade between China and South Asia is growing, making China a major trade partner for South Asian countries. As there exist no political issues between them, China’s equitable inclusive economic policy is going to benefit all South Asian nations.

Many countries in the region ardently hope Xi’s new tenure will more distinctly underscore China’s peaceful rise and prioritize vibrant economic cooperation. Nepal as the next-door neighbor has wishes for this probably more than other nations.

China is now moving towards the third phase of the BRI.  Since BRI is an instrument of viable force for their economic expansion and modernization, South Asia should be able to take advantage of BRI in their favor.

Strategic competition is the frame through which the United States views its relationship with China. The US Department of State says on its website: “The US will address its relationship with the PRC from a position of strength in which we work closely with our allies and partners to defend our interests and values.” With this statement, we can interpret that the US is anxious about Chinese political and economic engagements surpassing theirs and would take measures to minimize China’s influence—thus maintaining their dominance in all of international affairs.

In recent times, Nepal appears to have fallen under the US radar. No wonder, the frequency of US officials’ visits to Nepal over the years has witnessed an increase.

On the other hand, from 1949 to today, China’s policy towards Nepal is influenced by the Tibetan issue. But again, this is the issue which has been so well cached by the Western countries, more rigorously through funds and even settling up parliaments in exile and conducting related political activities. China’s relationship with Nepal has always been motivated by geography, rather than political ideology and hence Nepal has been assuring China’s security concerns.

Prosperous neighbor

Both our neighbors have begun to transform their economies from labor-intensive industries to capital-intensive ones. Undoubtedly, China and India have many advantages that Nepal does not have. How Nepal can enter this loop is a great question currently but it is not far from reality that our potential resources meet their crucial industrial needs. 

Nepal’s poverty reduction strategy should be compatible with the policy objective to optimize its resources and reap the benefits of being a close neighbor of prosperous and stable China. Yet, it is quite a challenge for us to incorporate innovative technology and pursue market strategy while our scientific research, development and manufacturing capacity are weak.  As Nepal and China are strategic partners and friendly neighboring countries, we are quite attentive with great hopes after China’s CPC Congress that we find a good leader on top in China who takes care of his neighbors as well for sharing their prosperity.

World is watching

The world is expecting Xi’s third tenure after this CPC congress.  Although some critics were loud about Xi’s zero-covid policy, it appears that in a post-Covid situation he will prioritize economic development over all other issues. Xi would rigidly stress the new development dynamic by realizing a high level of self-reliance and making China stronger, resolute, and vocal on the world stage. Analysts view PRC will demonstrate resoluteness on the Taiwan issue and degrade the trade friction with the US in a position of power. It is expected that the confrontational tendencies of the West will subside, and Xi’s engagements with Western powers would become remarkably constructive. At the regional level, Beijing does not pose an immediate security threat in territorial waters and landmass of ASEAN, South Asia, and even East Asia. But the disinformation campaign by the antagonists will continue to portray China as a threat in the region. It is hoped that the countries in the region will soon realize this and follow a constructive and meaningful political engagement with Beijing. 

Many countries in the region ardently hope Xi’s new tenure will more distinctly underscore China’s peaceful rise, reduce security tension, and prioritize vibrant economic cooperation and shared mutual benefits as has been demonstrated previously in his two terms.

Nepal as the next-door neighbor has wishes for this probably more than others.

Suresh Sharma is a retired Brigadier General of Nepal Army. He writes on strategic affairs.

And, there was a big reason for a national celebration in China.

The elderly citizens compared their lives in 1921 to the present status of affluence. They recalled the underprivileged pitiable history during the Cultural Revolution and opium wars or the Tang Dynasty and how the so-called ‘sick man of Asia’ had come a long way in achieving the unprecedented success that has become a subject of envy across the whole world.

What has happened in China today and what will happen in the days to come is nothing less than a miracle if the situation of poverty in the past is compared with the affluence of the present. People living under the poverty line fell from 98.99 million at the end of 2012 to 30.46 million at the end of 2017. Today, the torch of prosperity is being passed on to the new generations, who will pass it on to their generations who will sustain the rejuvenation of the country.   It is predictable that the new generations will further display their dedication and hard work to realize their dream of bicentennial resolution.

Tale of two countries

Nepal is one of the countries that has had multiple interactions, inter-relations, exchanges and connectivity with China.  In formal diplomatic terms, our relations began to be formalized as early as the 14th century. According to historian Baburam Acharya, the first Ming Emperor was seeking to establish diplomatic relations with Nepal as early as 1384. He sent out a mission with credential papers and special presents and gifts to the Nepali rulers. Kathmandu also sent a mission to China to reciprocate their goodwill. Captain Samuel Turner mentions in An Account of an Embassy in the Court of the Tesoo Lama in Tibet about Newari (Nepali) merchants who traded with Lhasa and who had established trade links between Bengal and Tibet. Such an astounding link that distinctly validated our rich civilization could not materialize in sharing knowledge and technology between the two countries. And there are some reasons behind this.

 For one, Chinese people were experiencing decades of political turmoil. Nepal was also in internal strife and war with external forces.

China and Nepal have dissimilar political systems. Yet, they enjoyed a deep cordial relationship and this was formalized with diplomatic relations in 1955. Politically, Nepal has always shown a strong commitment to ‘One-China Policy’ and has never allowed its soil to be used for any hostile activities against China. China has always appreciated Nepal for its strong support given on major issues related to China’s sovereign rights and interests.

What made the two countries different was the economy. China continued to thrive economically. Nepal continued to lag behind economically.

No doubt, China’s economic standing in the world today is a hard-earned gain of the sacrifice of the trinity—of the party, of the people and of the military—People’s Liberation Army (PLA). China’s outstanding reforms underscore stunning economic progress signifying today’s liberal political system of ‘Chinese’ characteristics. China aims to become a ‘moderately prosperous’ nation by 2049—the dream China is surely going to turn into a reality.

On the other hand, Nepal is struggling with underdeveloped infrastructures and it is facing poverty and various other socio-economic predicaments. Frequent changes in the political system here—from 1950 to 1991 to 2006 to up until 2015—seem to have shifted the country’s focus from economic development. Even with these multiple changes in the past 70 years, there is resentment among people with the way the political leaders are running the country. Poor service delivery and widespread corruption have pushed the country backward. 

While China has been able to control corruption with its National Supervision Committee System, China’s new anti-corruption drive initiated by President Xi, by cracking down the “tigers and flies”—meaning high-level officials as well as local civil servants—we have lagged far behind in corruption control. Meanwhile, China’s example shows serving people wholeheartedly should be the fundamental principle and the purpose of any political party.

What made Nepal and China different was the economy. China continued to thrive economically. Nepal continued to lag behind economically.

The long-term vision of CPC, vision of socialism with Chinese characteristics, commitment of CPC and the leaders and people—from bureaucrats to party officials—led China toward a progressive economic trajectory, further ensuring political, social, economic and ecological advancement.  The checks and balances to control corruption, corrections of errors and people-centric consistent approaches are other keys to their success story. The Chinese want to achieve much more for their country. Chinese scholars think that they still have challenges of reducing the gap between the poor and the rich, urban and rural population, unequal development between coastal areas and the hinterlands and ensuring equal opportunity for all.

Learning for Nepal

Nepal has a lot to learn from the success stories of China.

Until 1850, protecting the sovereignty of the country was a major focus as well as a challenge for Nepali rulers, as the British, French and Portuguese colonial expansions prevailed in the region. The 104 years of Rana rule was a great setback in Nepal’s developmental journey. Nepal was stagnating while its neighbors were progressing in leaps and bounds in shaping their economy through infrastructure development, innovations and industrialization in the ‘age of machines’. 

The political system changes from 1950 to 2015 were characterized by muddy political doctrine that greatly impaired our prosperity agenda. Successive regimes failed to continue with the well-designed infrastructure development plan of King Mahendra. We failed to enhance the national financial image of the country.

If Nepal is to come out of this gloomy history, it has to pursue constructive activities and advancement in the Trans Himalaya Multidimensional Cooperation with connectivity, transfer of technology, trade, financial integration wherever possible, and people-to-people cooperation with China.

Nepal has a lot to do in various sectors including social, economic and cultural sectors, science and technology, investment, energy, trade and investment, agriculture, tourism and human resources. Through a broad multilateral and multi-dimensional approach, Nepal can build its capacity in the sectors mentioned above.

Nepal needs to expand its connectivity with the closest rail or road networks in the north and search for identifying new opportunities to link even with the Central Asian countries for enhancement of trade. Nepal’s trade with Lhasa was bigger in volume than with any other country in the 18th century.

Today, there exists a road across our northern border that connects Shigatse to Ngari Prefecture and another one stretching from Kailash Mansarovar through Burang county of Tibet, which is close to Humla. These are the strategic road links for the future, through which Nepal can enhance its connectivity with the north.

The BRI boon

Nepal signed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) agreement with China in 2017 but the country seems to be hesitating to reap benefits from the BRI projects. Meanwhile, some of the big powers disparage China as a ‘revisionist’ country and portray BRI as China’s expansionist ambition. It is clear that such narratives are directed at China to belittle its peaceful rise as a global competitor. Nepal should be able to examine the truth and reality of such narratives. Historically, the Chinese projects and assistance have complemented Nepal’s infrastructure development needs with no strings attached. We need not be suspicious about their intention, nor fall into the trap of the questionable narrative.

Poverty alleviation has been the greatest success story of China. As a close neighbor and a long time all-weather historical friend Nepali people can also cherish Chinese prosperity, which will surely have trickle-down effects in Nepal’s initiative of reducing poverty and boosting development. With proper investment in unharnessed national resources and by aligning our development goals with China’s initiatives of shared prosperity, Nepal can capitalize on its development potential.

Prof Alexander L Vuving, an expert in International Relations at Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies, writes: “The steady and rapid expansion of Chinese power, coupled with the financial and debt crises in the United States, would spark a lively debate about the rise of China, the decline of the United States, and the future of global primacy and regional primacy in Asia.”

Poverty alleviation has been the greatest success story of China. This will surely have a trickle down effect in Nepal’s initiative of reducing poverty and boosting development.

The rapid advancement of technology and expansion of G5 will further navigate more innovative e-commerce, digitalization and other undiscovered things. The modernity of IT will trigger competitions between world powers in space, land and seas. If misused, such advancement could trigger more malign competitions and rivalry in our region which will surely have a huge implication on our development initiatives.

But by maintaining diplomatic integrity, Nepal will be able to extend possible support and cooperation to our neighbor and ask for cooperation in return in getting rid of Nepal’s development challenges.

Suresh Sharma, Brigadier General (Retired), was the spokesperson of the Nepal Army.

NA is a predominantly infantry-based organization through which it created a history of bravery, sacrifice and professionalism since its early existence. Although the nature of war remains the same a huge transformation has taken place in concepts, employment of troops and weapons in theatre of war and suppleness in maneuvers due to new technology in warfare. But NA has not been able to catch up with the trend.

Even today, the divisional force of NA, the uppermost echelon of operational commands which should be prepared for operational missions against the conventional or unconventional threats, lacks requisite military paraphernalia.

The new concept of ‘three plus one’ commands seems to be in line with coherent restructuring redesign idea to establish a viable force structure for which any adversary would have to mobilize ‘threes’ of its size to overwhelm it, limiting their fronts, and letting up a void in their possible offensive or defensive postures, thereby enabling Nepal to consistently display a much balanced force silhouette in her geography. The envisioned functionary structure also fairly fulfills our all-time operational requirements.

China’s ambition of creating the world class military by 2049, with its rapid modernization and capabilities, their preparation to operate beyond borders should be kept in mind in the context of Nepal’s whole of northern territory adjacent to PLA’s Western Command in Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR).They have gigantic air, land (maritime included) operations capabilities including cyber, electronic and psychological links to respond to their potential rivals. As for Indian defense system, in their process of entering into modern warfare capabilities, they have restructured their Theatre Commands and their military doctrine relies more on conventional forces while dealing with weaker neighbors.  Thus Indian military ambitions cannot be understated.

 Changing nature of war

The nature of war today is vastly influenced by rapid advancement of science and technology. Our junior military leaders may know about Network Centric Warfare (NCW) drills of Theatre Commands in the neighborhood, with integration of forces, using unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), precision missiles, modern surveillance and air defense and hypersonic weapons, aerial refueling and endurance, enhanced lethality and maneuvers across the spectrum of modern warfare. But they seldom would experience their applicability in their whole career due to various constraints.

Similarly, our senior military leaders think less of typical traditional military-based threats than more diverse nontraditional threats emanating from a range of non-military nature. The traditional security concept, in terms of men and metal and its application in war, has undergone a phenomenal change. We need to adopt a balanced approach in this regard.

A huge transformation has taken place in concepts, employment of troops and weapons in the theatre of war. But the Nepal Army has not been able to catch up with the trend.

For instance, last year we experienced an acute scarcity of fertilizers and recently we are struggling with a new variant of Covid 19. Nepal’s food imports have surged so much that if our neighbors restrict exports under their food security policy, we might suffer like many African countries. If the labor destination countries in the Gulf stop taking in workers from here it will open the floodgate of problems here.

While on the one hand, we aim to educate our planners in national defense doctrine through the proposed National Defense University, the country is yet to be able to ensure the livelihood of all. Our economic health is getting weaker and our international prestige has been eroded due to corruption.

Our future planners should be able to provide the nation a strategic direction for creating jobs, minimizing imports, and utilizing our energy to set up national industries. Setting up industries of fertilizers, garments, household medicines, machineries etc would minimize unproductive expenditures and help create jobs for the people.

Besides, taxpayers should be convinced that there is a need to modernize the national army to adapt to emerging threats and for adjusting itself within the regional security environment, conflict-prone international security situation and to confront our own potential internal security challenges. National security experts should study options in realizing our anticipated traditional security construct.

Think well

Undoubtedly, Nepal’s military needs much more agility and maneuverability to fight a mobile nature of battle rather than limiting them to vulnerable permanent locations for which operational devolution of fighting tactics by smaller groups can rather be a preferable contemplation. Effective independent battle groups with decentralized resources under specific Divisional commands can achieve better results than command centric functional groups which may restrict maneuver and flexibility to suit the anticipated operational intent as spelt in our Foreign Policy document.

The ‘three plus one’ scheme should also complement our national interest in a challenging geostrategic setting.

The nation’s Foreign Policy document calls for not allowing Nepali soil (in essence by air and land) to be used against neighbors or other countries, while anticipating a similar level of commitment from them. Thus the ‘three plus one’ scheme should also complement our national interest in a challenging geostrategic setting.

The bloated military structure, caused due to Maoist insurgency, pulled us out from conflict and gave us dividends of current peace and stability. But the command level operational concept envisioned at this age may instead constrict independent unit’s maneuverability. Here is hoping that new Command restructure induced by NA will meet our conventional as well as unconventional challenges in the days to come.

Suresh Sharma, security analyst, is Brigadier General (retired) of Nepal Army.

Top priority of the government should be to help the communities to put a stop to this threat before it is too late. If the ongoing threats are not tackled head on, we will have to face the terrible consequences and the country will face an unprecedented but predictable catastrophe. Hence, it is crucial to take up wise decisions and invest efforts to ensure that the vulnerable citizens are protected and looked after.

As the panic is rising people feel traumatized.  On Democracy Day, Prime Minister K P Sharma Oli inaugurated the reconstructed ‘Dharahara’ amid a fearless crowd in Kathmandu while miles down the south, hospitals in New Delhi were struggling for oxygen, and Indian PM Narendra Modi and New Delhi Chief Minister Arbind Kejriwal were calling for immediate supply of oxygen, consoling their people, reassuring them that the government is there for them. Hospitals in Nepalgunj also raised an alarm of oxygen shortage and its mayor candidly said the provincial governments were not pulling up socks. A doctor at the Banke Hospital said she was helpless due to already scarce medical supplies.

It is obvious that Nepal’s health facilities are in no way comparable to those of India, which are sophisticated in every way, which is why Nepalis flock to Medanta at Noida for a guaranteed treatment of even minor ailments. We should admit the gaps in our system, and think about the possible risks and consequences of cross-border transmission.

It is essential to strengthen our primary health care systems at all levels immediately before the situation goes out of control.

Nepal does not have the requisite capacity to handle the situation if the pandemic becomes as widespread as in Indian cities. As the situation further worsens, we are sure to fail to enhance our capacity to produce additional resources overnight. But at least we can now plan for managing additional resources (from wherever possible) so that we do not have to suffer as much as the neighboring country in the south. 

The World Health Organization has suggested the strategic action and resource requirements to end the acute phase of the Covid-19 pandemic.  It further says that each country should assess its risk and rapidly implement the necessary measures at the appropriate scale to reduce both Covid-19 transmission and economic, public and social impacts.

Therefore, it is essential to strengthening our primary health care systems at all levels immediately before the situation goes out of control. We failed to construct temporary Covid care hospitals while China had set an example by setting up such hospitals immediately after the outbreak in Wuhan last year.

New Delhi has called the second wave a ‘tsunami’, meaning that it is much more rampant than last year. Their court asked the Delhi government to arrange tankers for liquid oxygen amid shortage and Air India airlifted cryogenic tankers immediately from Singapore. The government in Nepal does not seem to be reaching out to any countries for support.

Last year, when the country went on lockdown mode, a lot had been said and discussed in webinars and op-ed columns regarding how the communities can be prepared for Covid response. We need to find ways to deal with the second wave with greater level of seriousness than last year, before the situation begins to deteriorate further. Of course, people—especially the daily wage earners and small businesses—are going to suffer hard. In that case, the government needs to plan relief measures.

If the situation in India is any guide, the second wave is spreading at an unprecedented magnitude. We need to take the situation really seriously, for what is happening in India might happen in Nepal as well, and sooner than we expect. Lockdown can be a circuit breaker. The government should also explore other measures to strengthen our infrastructures to ensure that infected people receive the treatment.

Governments at federal, provincial and local levels should take proactive measures and mobilize all public health agencies including national security organs in taking stringent steps over the next few weeks to curb virus spread. This is a national emergency. We need to deal with it as such.

Suresh Sharma is a former spokesperson of Nepal Army.